Does mandating health care violate constitution
One study indicates that a juvenile housed in an adult jail is five times more likely to commit suicide than is a juvenile in the general population and eight times more likely to commit suicide than is a juvenile housed in a juvenile facility.
at 4 (“Youth are 19 times more likely to commit suicide in jail than youth in the general population and 36 times more likely to commit suicide in an adult jail than in a juvenile detention facility.” (endnote omitted)).
But as I explained earlier, the Supreme Court already has sufficient reason to strike down the individual mandate without touching any of its existing precedents.
That approach—which targets the mandate's unprecedented regulation of inactivity—could satisfy both Thomas and his faint-hearted originalist colleagues on the bench.
Juveniles confined in adult facilities, which are not designed to meet the special needs of juveniles and are generally staffed by individuals who have not been trained to work with juvenile populations, have less access to rehabilitative programming and educational services than their counterparts confined in juvenile facilities. Zimring eds., 2000) (noting that correctional officers “appeared to be focused exclusively on enforcing rules, maximizing surveillance, and demonstrating their power” and that, “[b]ecause the prisons were primarily custodial facilities, most [inmates] were not engaged in programs aimed at their personal or social development”). Section A outlines the increased risks and harm that juveniles face when confined in adult facilities, rather than juvenile facilities.
Adult inmates pose some of the greatest risks to juveniles held in adult facilities. Specific issues relating to § 1983, including standing, immunity, and the impact of the Prison Litigation Reform Act of 1995, Pub. Section B demonstrates that, despite the continued detention and incarceration of thousands of juveniles in adult facilities each day, a national consensus against confining juveniles with adults is forming.
Those decisions cannot be squared with the original meaning of the Commerce Clause.
As Justice Clarence Thomas remarked about the majority’s reasoning in .
Prison can be an embittering experience that leaves offenders more angry at the world than when they went in.” John Braithwaite, A body of evidence suggests that incarcerating juveniles in adult correctional facilities not only places the juveniles in a demonstrably more hazardous living situation but also does not fulfill commonly accepted purposes of punishment.
Yet in its decisions in both state cultivation of wheat and marijuana, respectively.
Constitution grants Congress the power “to regulate commerce...among the several states.” The framers and ratifiers of the Constitution understood those words to mean that while congress may regulate commercial activity that crossed state lines, Congress was not allowed to regulate the economic activity that occurred 17, the Commerce Clause did not extend congressional authority to “the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature, all those things, in short, which are proper to be provided for by local legislation.” In other words, the Commerce Clause was not a blank check made out to the federal government.
Upon release from prison, victims of prison rape are more likely to become homeless or require government assistance due to the physical and psychological impacts of rape than are those who were not raped in prison. 561, 568 (2006)) (“While an important symbolic first step, the bill has occasioned far too little discussion of implementation following its enactment.
As important, there has been little or no change in public perception of—and attitudes toward—rape in prison.”).
Numerous factors contribute to why juveniles face significant dangers when confined with adults.